Showing posts with label -Film: Documentary. Show all posts
Showing posts with label -Film: Documentary. Show all posts

Williams, Linda. “Power, Pleasure, and Perversion: Sadomasochistic Film Pornography.” Representations. 27 (1989): 37-65.

Yet elsewhere in his writing Bazin has celebrated documentary realism in fictional contexts, and he is honest enough here to acknowledge “a critical contradiction,” which he notes “without resolving.” 38

Our complicity as viewers of the act is different from what it would be if we were actually in the room with the “object”; it is connected to the fact that we are watching (whether with fascination, pleasure, horror, or dread) an act that seems to be really taking place but with which we have no spatial or temporal connection ourselves. 38

-proximity / distance = greater distance because we know there’s a frame, greater proximity because it’s often presented in an unmediated way. Might want to look at Wood’s article on art vs. exploitation.

[about Snuff]: Nevertheless, added signals of documentary evidence—the director’s speech to and “look” at the camera, the indication of film “run out,” the shocking transition from sex scene to violence—all operated to convince some viewers that if what they had seen before was fake violence belonging to the genre of horror, what they were seeing now was real (hard-core) violence belonging to the genre of pornography. 41

. . . especially in the context of the hard-core genre’s perpetual quest for documentary evidence of involuntary pleasure in female bodies that do not give as ready evidence of this pleasure as male bodies. 41

. . . perverse pleasure of witnessing the involuntary spasm of death. 42

Snuff probably became the “case” that it did because it did not, like the horror film, simply displace the sexual desires of characters onto violent acts; rather, its mix of soft-core sex and sexual desires of characters onto violent acts; rather, its mix of soft-core sex and violence was more messy, interrupting expectations for pleasurable sex with violence and vice versa. Snuff, both the film and the idea, exists at the contradictory intersection of the spectacle of pleasure (generally assumed to be real in hardcore pornography) and pain (generally assumed to be faked in horror films). 42

Roscoe, Jane, and Craig Hight. Faking It: Mock-Documentary and the Subversion of Factuality. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001.

This group of texts have been labeled using a variety of terms; ‘faux documentary’ (Francke, 19996), ‘pseudo-documentary’, ‘mocumentary’, ‘cinéma vérité with a wink’ (Harrington, 1994), ‘cinéma un-vérité’ (Ansen, 1997), ‘black comedy presented as in-your-face documentary’, ‘spoof documentary’ and ‘quasi-documentary’ (Neale and Krutnik, 1990). We favour the term ‘mock-documentary’ (including the hyphen) for two reasons:

1 because it suggests its origins in copying a pre-existing form, in an effort to construct (or more accurately, re-construct) a screen form with which the audience is assumed to be familiar

2 because the other meaning of the word ‘mock’ (to subvert or ridicule by imitation) suggests something of this screen form’s parodic agenda towards the documentary genre. This is an agenda which we argue is inevitably constructed (however inadvertently by some filmmakers) from mock-documentary’s increasingly sophisticated appropriation of documentary codes and conventions. (1)

Our definition of mock-documentary is specifically limited to fictional texts; those which make a partial or concerted effort to appropriate documentary codes and conventions in order to represent a fictional subject. 2

Nichols, Bill. “Documentary Film and the Modernist Avant-Garde.” Critical Inquiry. 27.4 (2001): 580-610.

Note: many of these passages specifically concern documentary between the wars / development of form.

Rather than the story of an early birth and gradual maturation, I will suggest that documentary film only takes / form as an actual practice in the 1920s and early 1930s. 581-582

My primary thesis is that a wave of documentary activity takes shape at the point when cinema comes into the direct service of various, already active efforts to build national identity during the 1920s and 1930s. Documentary film affirms, or contests, the power of the state. 582

The modernist avant-garde of Man Ray, René Clair, Hans Richter, Louis Delluc, Jean Vigo, Alberto Cavalcanti, Luis Bunuel, Sergei Eisenstein, Dziga Vertov, and the Russian constructivists, among others, exceeded the terms of this binary opposition of affirmation and contestation centered on the bourgeois-democratic state. It proposed alternative subjects and subjectivities until the consolidation of socialist realism, the rise of fascism and Stalinism, the necessities of exile, and the exigencies of the Great Depression depleted its resources. From the vantage point of the avant-garde, the state and issues of citizenship were obscured by questions of perception and consciousness, aesthetics and ethics, behavior and the unconscious, actions and desire. These questions were more challenging imperatives than those that preoccupied the custodians of state power. 583

Both scientific evidence and carnival-like attractions exhibit noteworthy aspects of the world with indexical precision. Such images readily serve as documents, but not documentaries. 587

Unfettered from narrative structure or scientific analysis, a cinema of attractions is a form of excitation, exhibitionism, or spectacle. It engenders an effect comparable to the effect of reality TV shows such as Cops or Survivor, namely, “Isn’t this amazing!” We witness strange, violent, dangerous, or catastrophic events but receive only minimal analysis of them. A program on ABC in January 2000 entitled, “Out of Control People” provided a latter-day Mondo Cane-like catalogue of soccer rioting, college student rampages, prison uprisings, and other examples of its own title with small snippets of commentary from “experts” who make reference to mob behavior and group psychology. The intent of the program was clearly sensationalistic far more than it was educational. The sensationalism gained immeasurably from the use of “documentary” images of actual events. 587

Spectacle in early cinema, like visual evidence in science, relied on an impression of photographic realism the better to convince us of the authenticity of remarkable sights. One of the most vivid conjunctions of spectacle and photographic realism occurs in pornography. Markers of authenticity affirm than an actual sex act has occurred, even if this act occurred, like most fiction-based acts, solely for the purpose of being filmed. It is safe to conclude that the documentary potential of the photographic image does not lead directly to a documentary film practice. Neither spectacle and exhibition, nor science and documentation, guarantee the emergence of a documentary film form. Movements involve historical contingency, not genetic ancestry. Something more than the ability to generate visual documents, however useful this may be, is necessary. 589

Typically centered on a main character or hero in classic narrative fiction, such a structure proves detachable from individualized agents or heroes; social issues such as inadequate housing, floods, the isolation of remote regions, or the exploitation of an entire class can establish the story’s initiating disturbance. Resolution follows less from a hero’s actions than from the documentary’s own solution to social problems: slum clearance in Housing Problems (1935); the creation of the TVA in The River (1937); railroad construction in Turkish (1929); and a workers’ strike in Misère au Borinage (1934). The form of such films takes over the work customarily assigned to the heroic efforts of an individual protagonist. 591

The modernist avant-garde of the 1920s introduces a third contribution to the appearance of a documentary film form. 591

Documentaries from the period between the wars cobble images together with remarkable abandon, fully in accord with the pioneering spirit of the avant-garde. (Voice-over commentary, poetic or expository, lends them a purposefulness the avant-garde typically eschewed). 592

The “creative treatment of actuality” is authored, not recorded or registered. Creative treatment turns fact to fiction in the root sense of fingere, to shape or fashion. The concept of making, or authorship, moves us away from indexical documents of preexisting fact to the semiotics of constructed meaning and the address of the authorial I. 593

Modernist elements of fragmentation, defamiliarization (ostranenie, Verfremdungseffekt), collage, abstraction, relativity, anti-illusionism, and a general rejection of the transparency of realist representation all find their way into acts of documentary filmmaking. As Dziga Vertov wrote, “I am eye. I have created a man more perfect than Adam. . . . I take the most agile hands of one, the fastest and most graceful legs of another . . . and, by editing, I create an entirely new, perfect man.” Such techniques and aspirations speak less to a flight from the social world into aesthetic reverie than to a critique of “an ideology of realism” designed to “perpetuate a preconceived notion of some external reality to be imitated, and indeed, to foster a belief in the existence of some such commonsense everyday shared secular reality in the first place.” The 1920s avant-/garde set out to revise the terms and conditions by which to construct representations of a shared secular reality. 594

These sights followed even earlier efforts to document life in the street such as the extraordinary footage generated for Albert Kahn’s Archives de la Planete. One example is an extended long take of men entering and leaving a public urinal on a Paris street (Les Grands Boulevards, Paris, October 1913). The exchange of gazes between the camera and the urinal’s visitors attests to the surreal and complexly charged nature of this “archival” encounter. Such images lent historical potential to images of everyday life, even as these images altered our ordinary perception of the world. They only require yoking to the oratorical voice of the filmmaker to make them fit for documentary representation. The street, along with the car, the machine, and the city—with their position half way between the animate and the inanimate—provide a ready-made subject for the avant-garde as well the documentarian. 596

Discussed further below, documentary took identifiable shape when photographic realism, narrative structure, and modernist fragmentation served the goal of social persuasion. Oration added another element of / social consciousness to cinematic representation. 596 / 599

Documentary gains a definition and institutional base as it fulfills its potential to be what Lenin once called it, “the most important art.” 604

The orator not only reaches citizens but also contributes to the construction of the sense of identity necessary for citizenship in the first place. 605

Not until the 1970s does an opposition of a different kind displace the state from its central position in documentary rhetoric. Since then these have been the central issues and debates: (1) in the ethical, political, and ideological implications of the different modes of documentary production; (2) the quality and value of individual filmmaking oeuvres; (3) the usefulness of documentary film as a disciplinary (anthropological, sociological) or personal (autobiographical, poetic) form of knowledge and power; (4) the social efficacy of specific films and different modes; and (5) the challenges of historical representation and contemporary observation. Reacting against the small-scale, observational quality of documentaries in the 1960s that began to shift attention from the state to facets of everyday life and lived experience—be those of candidates (Primary, Drew Associates, 1960) or high school students (High School, Frederic / Wiseman, 1968)—work in the 1970s returned to the modernist techniques that observational cinema rejected. 607-608

. . . these films take up alternative subjectivities and identities involving issues of sex and gender, ethnicity and race, personal memory and public history. 608

[Quoting Maya Deren]: The ritualistic form treats the human being not as the source of the dramatic action, but as a somewhat depersonalized element in a dramatic whole. The intent of such depersonalization is not the destruction of the individual; on the contrary, it enlarges him beyond the personal dimension and frees him from the specializations and confines of the personality. He becomes part of a dynamic whole / which, like all such creative relationships, in turn, endows its parts with a measure of its larger meaning. 609-610

Lipkin, Steven N.; Paget, Derek; Roscoe, Jane. “Docudrama and Mock-Documentary: Defining Terms, Proposing Canons” in Rhodes, Gary Don; and Springer, John Parris (Eds). Docufictions: Essays on the Intersection of Documentary and Fictional Filmmaking. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co, 2006. 11-26.

For documentary theorist Bill Nichols, for example, docudrama exists in an “essential fictional domain.” Logically, this should be true for mock-documentary too, for this form has no documentary content whatsoever, and yet Nichols accommodates mock-documentary within the mode of “reflexive documentary.” 11

Critical opinion has tended to divide docudrama production output into “high” and “low concept” examples. The former, treating subjects most commentators accept as “serious,” are sometimes controversial at the level of “fidelity” to an idealized historical truth. The “low concept” docudrama, a sub-genre of the “TV Movie of the Week,” is often perceived as “tabloid,” but it can be just as controversial as its more prestigious sibling. In contrast, the mock-documentary existed until quite recently at the margins of culture in “art-house” cinema. Today it flourishes in both television and cinema. Its move from “high culture” to “low culture” has brought with it both greater acceptance and greater suspicion. 13

Mock-documentary’s functions are more clearly intertextual [than docudrama’s] and more directly subversive:

they appropriate documentary aesthetics to create a fictional world thereby severing the direct relationship between the image and the referent;

they take as their object of parody both documentary as a screen form, documentary practitioners, and cultural, social and political icons;

they seek to develop a relationship with a knowing audience who through being in on the joke can appreciate both the humor and the inherent critical reflexivity of the form.

Finally, docudrama and mock-documentary share a common function. They have provoked and continue to provoke:

questions about form—specifically, about the permissibility, usefulness and even danger of mixing the functions of documentary and drama. 14

The resultant film usually follows a cinematic narrative structure and employs the standard naturalist/realist performance techniques of screen drama.

Mock-documentary is entirely fictional yet, unlike most docudrama, appropriates the look of documentary much more closely. Jane Roscoe and Craig Hight argue that mock-documentary’s “genealogy” can be described as operating through “three degrees” of distance from “documentary proper”: through parody, critique and deconstruction. The parody mock-documentary is comparatively muted in its critique of the documentary project. Documentary aesthetics are appropriated mostly for stylistic reasons and to emphasize the humor. In examples such as The Rutles (1978) or This Is Spinal Tap! (1984) documentary’s “classic objective argument” is used as a prop against which the absurdity of the parody is contrasted. Often nostalgic, the parody frequently comments on easy targets—particularly cultural icons whose currency is exhausted and ripe for mocking. Documentary, like history, could be said to be returning as farce. In contrast, critique mock-documentaries engage more critically in the form’s inherent reflexivity towards factual discourse, and raise questions about both the documentary form and wider factual media practices. Films/programs such as Bob Roberts (1992) or the 1997 series première episode of ER also developed the / satirical possibilities of the form. In the former example a critique was made of modern political processes and a parallel satirical swipe was taken at the factual media (as was the case with the ER episode—see below). But it is the deconstruction mock-documentary that brings to the fore an explicit critique of documentary form. Texts such as David Holzman’s Diary (1967) and Man Bites Dog (1992) demonstrated a rather hostile appropriation of documentary codes and conventions and utilized them in order to undermine and deconstruct the very foundations of the documentary project. Humor is often underplayed in favor of representations that seek to create “ethical unease” that will lead to critique. This latter quality is very much part of the post-documentary cultural moment. 16-17

Mock-documentary talks to a “knowing” audience even more directly than the docudrama. It is assumed that audiences will be able to distinguish between fact and fiction in media representation and thereby participate in the inherent playfulness of form. What marks the mock-documentary out from the “hoax” or “fake” is this contract set up between producer and audience. It requires the audience to watch as if at a documentary presentation, but in the full knowledge of an actual fictional status. Audiences have to be in on the joke to be able to access and participate first in the humor, then in the cultural and political critique on offer. 17

Mock-documentary did not emerge as a distinct form until the 1960s. 22

Docudrama asserts that what it re-presents occurred much like what we see unfold on the screen; mock-documentary asserts that what it presents is much like what we conventionally see in documentary. 23

If the docudrama is something of a staple product for film and television, in recent years there has been something of an explosion in television mock-documentary production (especially in the UK). There has certainly been a growth in audience appetite for a sophisticated form that has exploited the current success of “Reality TV.” The UK’s The Office notably attracted good-sized audiences and critical acclaim. A series such as this was a site for social and cultural commentary. As Frederic Jameson amongst other has noted, the actual intent of parody is critical comment, although in many examples the critical edge is muted or left implicit. What is absolutely central is the relationship set up between the audience and the text. The audience must be a “knowing” audience that recognizes the object of the parody to be able to access the critiques on offer. 24

A similar critique was on offer in the BBC’s series The Office (2001-3—a hit when shown on PBS). It provided an examination of work-place politics and psychology, but more importantly a commentary on the “docu-soap.” This form’s obsession with the mundane and banal was satirized, as was the process through which ordinary people are turned into TV stars by performing themselves. Creator Ricky Gervais played the lead character, David Brent, and performed this role of docu-soap star so well it was by turns hilarious and painful to watch. A mixture of cruel satire and playful parody, The Office was a fine example of the mock-documentary disrupting normal and serious communication to ask its audience to question both the form and content of television documentary formats. 25

Kleinhans, Chuck. “Pornography and Documentary: Narrating the Alibi.” In Sconce, Jeffrey (Ed.). Sleaze Artists: Cinema at the Margins of Taste, Style, and Politics. Durham: Duke University Press, 2007. 96-120.

The defense of this forbidden content is the documentary form itself: documentary’s “gravity,” the “discourse of sobriety,” provides the excuse that allows the naughty content to appear in the public sphere with little controversy. 97

My interest here is to move beyond these well-marked points and extend recent work. What happens when documentaries move beyond their usual sober realism directed at significant social matters to more bizarre, eccentric, and “low” subject matter? 97

In the case of the work considered here, there is also a strong sense that the “sleazy” work is crass, that it is not sincere but is adopting whatever ethical and moral stance it has simply to exploit its subject. A classical example can be found in the scenes of slave trading in Mondo Freudo (1966) and Mondo Bizarro (1966). These fake documentaries purport to show the auctioning of (mostly) women in Mexico and Lebanon. The scenes are patently staged (“Lebanon” is a well-known Los Angeles—area location, Bronson Canyon). The “slaves” are disrobed, to display female breasts, but genitals are obscured with scratch-on censor bars, thus implying that the female pubic area (viewed in a distant telephoto image) is more shocking than trading in humans. 99

Mondo Freudo and Mondo Bizzaro follow after Mondo Cane, an internationally successful sensationalist documentary phenomenon from 1962. Cheaply made rip-offs, they belong economically and industrially to the exploitation film market. The exploitation film has roots in the fairground show, the circus sideshow, and the traveling carnival. The carnival pitchman’s basic plan is this: (1) gather / a crowd; (2) promise them something sensational; (3) get their money; and (4) fool them and get away. At its worst-intentioned, in the classic con job, the “mark” is left at the end so confused, embarrassed, humiliated, or compromised that he does not go to the police or authorities to complain (and this is relatively easy when the content is sexual). But there is also a much milder version of exploitation, closer to P.T. Barnum’s celebrated “humbug” effect. Barnum observed and exploited the fact that if the deception was done in a fairly jovial, over-the-top manner, marks would gladly pay to observe the fraudulent and leave amused rather than outraged. 99-100

The classic off-screen narrator is often called the Voice of God, since the audience hears his pronouncements without seeing the embodied speaker. Usually this is a male voice with deep tones, sure phrasing, and an “educated” accent, which in the United States often means a hint of British intonation or a voice that seems trained for stage delivery. 103

Having grown up with this convention, it is easy to see why a younger generation of documentary filmmakers, especially in the 1960s, were eager to move away from this kind of authoritative (even authoritarian) voice. They chose to work instead in classic Direct Cinema style, employing a narrational style that seemed to eschew such external authority. This often involved placing the narrator on screen, either on location as an on-the-spot investigator or as a relay for eyewitness accounts. In this respect, the narrator becomes a more embodied character, a teller of the tale who, though perhaps unreliable, allowed the audience to better gauge his veracity. 103

What exactly does this comic voice of God add to this cinematic parade of (near) nudity? Echoing Barnum’s “humbug effect,” the narrator’s voice and persona is that of a carnival pitchman with a touch of (usually jovial) condescension. I will call this narrative device “reverse disavowal”: I know this is fake, but I still want to see it. The audience knows it is seeing not some actuality but an event staged for the camera—which is the basic technique of most U.S. newsreels in celebrity and staged-publicity events. But the audience doesn’t necessarily resent this kind of deception, since the film and its narrator are also giving it something else: a pretext for indulging its voyeurism while also leaving room for an ironic response. 106

We agree and accept the contract because it gives us the gratification of naughty transgression in the mocking guise of epistephilic discovery. 106

The pleasure, then, is not in knowing or learning, but in sincerely appreciating the spectacle even as we ironically revel in the lowbrow tackiness / of the presentation—imagining an absent viewer who would actually fall prey to the narrator’s absurd claims. Much like current fascination with supermarket tabloids that promise new and lurid exposés, Mondo viewers, both then and now, enjoy a “smarty-pants” pleasure that presumes a naïve viewer who probably never existed. 107-108

As these examples of 1960s documentary exploitation demonstrate, the putative authority and discernable earnestness of a narrator (on- or off-screen) is often unable to withstand the crisis presented b y the trashy, suspect, and incongruous images of exploitation cinema. While it would be easy to dismiss these films (and their narrators) as examples of pure, naïve camp, the strategies deployed by these stylistically diverse films suggest a more complex relationship between filmmaker, subject, and audience. I argued earlier that sleaze is marked in a way that reveals the maker’s cynical nature; therefore it is a matter of nuance and interpretation, most often cued by form. In its documentary form, perceiving sleaze depends on both the narrator’s relationship to the material and the audience’s perception of the filmmaker’s relationship to the narrator. It contrasts with naïve camp, which is often inept but sincere (with the gap between intention and ability providing the irony and humor). 114

Eitzen, Dirk. “When Is a Documentary?: Documentary as a Mode of Reception.” Cinema Journal. 35.1 (1995): 81-102.

All documentaries—whether they are deemed, in the end, to be reliable or not—revolve around questions of trust. A documentary is any motion picture that is susceptible to the question “Might it be lying?” 81

It has been nearly seven decades since John Grierson first applied the term “documentary” to movies. 81

In contrast, as is apparent from the storms of controversy that rage around “fact-based” fiction films like JFK (1991) and Malcolm X (1992), the distinction between “fact” and “fiction” is a vital and important one to popular movie audiences. 81

What difference does it make? How does it matter to the recipients of a discourse, in practical terms, whether the discourse is considered to be fiction or nonfiction? Although I will focus chiefly on documentary here—that is, on movies that are supposed to be nonfiction—this question pertains to other forms of nonfiction as well, such as history and journalism. 81

Documentary has been variously defined through the years as “a dramatized presentation of man’s relation to his institutional life,” as “film with a message,” as “the communication, not of imagined things, but of real things only,” and as films / which give up control of the events being filmed. 81-82

The most famous definition, and still one of the most serviceable, is John Grierson’s, “the creative treatment of actuality.” 82

Some film theorists have responded to this dilemma by claiming that documentary is actually no more than a kind of fiction that is constituted to cover over or “disavow” its own fictionality. 82

This definition of documentary [see directly above], though correctly controverting a kind of naïve realism, fails to account for the practical, everyday differences between fiction and nonfiction—differences that we experience as real and that can have real consequences for how we get along in the world, even though they may be in a sense imaginary. One could use the same line of reasoning to show, for example, that visual perception is no more than a kind of fiction that just seems particularly real. In theory, my perception of a baseball flying at my head may be no more than an imaginary construct—a fiction, if you will. Nevertheless, if it does not cause me to duck, I am liable to get quite a lump. Documentary has some of the same practical implications. 82

That is what Andrew Tudor wrote of genres twenty years ago. “Genre,” he wrote, “is what we collectively believe it to be.” What saves this argument from circularity, as Tudor pointed out, is that how people use genre terms and what they mean by them is pretty strictly delimited by culture. 83

In its time, On the Waterfront (1954) was called a documentary. Today, it takes a real stretch to think of it as one. 83

In his recent book, Representing Reality, Bill Nichols weighs in with a new definition of documentary. The adequacy of a definition, he claims, has less to do with how well it corresponds to common usage, as Tudor suggests, than with how well it “locates and addresses important [theoretical] questions.” The theoretical questions that Nichols wishes to locate and address have to do primarily with how power circulates in documentary discourses. 83

Conventions circulate and they are negotiated and nailed down, Nichols says, in three discursive arenas or sites: a community of practitioners with its institutional supports, a corpus of texts, and constituency of viewers. 83

For documentary discourses, the community of practitioners consists of people who make or engage in the circulation of documentary films. Its institutional supports include funders like the National Endowment for the Arts, distributors like PBS, professional associations, documentary film festivals, and so on. The corpus of texts includes everything that is commonly considered to be a documentary. Although Nichols does not say this, it seems logical that some texts, like Daughter Rite and episodes of A Current Affair, might belong to this corpus only marginally or provisionally. The constituency of viewers includes, in its broadest sense, everyone who occasionally watches documentaries. 83

The defining characteristic of this constituency, however, is certain kinds of knowledge about what constitutes a documentary and about how to make sense of one / in conventionally accepted ways. The constituency of viewers, it might be added, has its own institutional supports, like newspaper criticism, the educational establishment, and, once again, distributors like PBS which determine how a film is labeled and the context in which it is seen. 83-84

The key factor that defines the community of practitioners, Nichols maintains, is “a common, self-chosen mandate to represent the historical world rather than imaginary ones.” The corpus of texts is defined by an “informing logic” that involves “a representation, case, or argument about the historical world.” The constituency of viewers is defined by two common assumptions: first, that “the images we see (and many of the sounds we hear) had their origin in the historical world” and, second, that documentaries do not merely portray the historical world but make some sort of “argument” about it. The definitive factor in every case is “the historical world.” Whether you are looking at why documentaries are made, how they are put together, or how they are interpreted, what conventionally defines them, Nichols suggests, is their relationship to “the historical world.” Specifically, he claims, they make “arguments” about it. 84

[Still Nichols, including quotes] The historical world is something that lies outside and beneath all our representations of it. It is a “brute reality” in which “objects collide, actions occur, [and] forces take their toll.” Documentary is therefore not the representation of an imaginary reality; it is an imaginative representation of an actual historical reality. This aligns Nichols’s definition of documentary more closely with the common-sense definition of Grierson than with those that suggest that documentary is no more than a kind of fiction that denies its fictional status. Of course, our perceptions of an ideas about historical (i.e., actual) reality can only be communicated to others in conventional ways. It is in working out these conventional practices that Nichols’s three arenas of discourse—the community of practitioners, the corpus of texts, and the constituency of viewers—come into play. One can neatly sum up Nichols’s definition of documentary as the use of conventional means to refer to, represent, or make claims about historical reality. 84

There remains one problem, however. There are many fiction films that refer to, represent, or make claims about historical reality. Spike Lee’s School Daze, for example, portrays tensions in the student body of a fictional all-black college—tensions that include strong differences in opinion on the issue of whether the college should divest its holdings in companies that do business in South Africa. 84

Nichols tries to solve this problem by saying that fiction films that refer to or represent reality do so “metaphorically.” Neorealism, for example, “presents a world like the historical world and asks that we view it, and experience the viewing of, like the viewing, and experience, of history itself.” This explanation does nothing to illuminate the ending of School Daze, however, which points to historical reality without resembling it in the least and without explicitly comparing it to anything else. 85

Wolterstorff suggests that all representational works, including both documentaries and fiction films, “project a world.” This world is an imaginary one since, being the product of a work of art, it is the expression of someone’s imagination (even though it may be his or her imagination of reality). Like the world of everyday experience, it can consist of things, events, people, causes and effects, categories, general laws, and so forth. In a given projected world, any or all of these things can be lumped together under the term “a state of affairs.” 85

Wolterstorff claims that a world or state of affairs can be projected with various “stances.” A storyteller typically takes a “fictive” stance: “To take up the fictive stance toward some state of affairs is not to assert that the state of affairs is true, is not to ask whether it is true, is not to request that it be made true, is not to wish that it were true. It is simply to invite us to consider a state of affairs.” The purpose is simply to show or describe a world, to present it, not to make claims about it. In contrast, an “assertive” stance toward some state of affairs does make claims about it. It claims, specifically, that a certain state of affairs is or was so. 85

So, rather than saying that a documentary makes assertions, we need to say that a documentary is perceived to make assertions. Whether or not a text is perceived to make assertions is partly a matter of conventions (e.g., whether the text looks like a documentary is supposed to look) and partly a matter of the discursive context (e.g., how the distributor labels and describes the program). This is how Plantinga sidesteps the intentionalist implications of Wolterstorff’s theory. 86

When fiction makes assertions about reality, it proposes an analogy or similarity between a projected state of affairs and the real world. In contrast, a documentary asserts that a projected state of affairs is true in the real world. Fiction can make assertions of similarity, but documentaries make assertions of truth. Or, as Plantinga puts it, fictional films may assert or imply broad artistic truths. “Documentary films may also assert broad, artistic truths, but they in addition assert that the particular states of affairs represented actually occurred.” 86

The “Wake up! Wake up!” at the end of School Daze is as the same time a call to action in the historical world and an assertion that states of affairs portrayed earlier in the film are similar to states of affairs in the historical world. But it is not a truth claim. High School makes some of the same kind of claims, such as the implied claim that Northeast High is like a factory. But unlike School Daze, High School also makes specific truth claims: that the Penn Maid truck was not “planted” in the scene but really happened to be driving by; that the Otis Redding song actually played on the radio at some point during the filming, etc. 86

[on a letter-reading scene in Ken Burns’s The Civil War] This scene seems to depend for its effects on something besides “argument.” It seems to rely on melodrama, on sentiment, on the emotional resonance that Sullivan Ballou’s letter has for viewers. One might say that instead of stressing the syntagmatic connections between elements—the horizontal links: sequence, logic, cause and effect, and so forth—this scene emphasizes the paradigmatic dimension, piling meaning upon meaning to create a kind of emotional depth. In this scene, which many viewers held to be exemplary of what made the whole series interesting and special as a documentary, this rhetorical operation seems to be far more crucial and certainly quite different from what Nichols calls argument. 87

However one might wish to construe the term argument—as a series of explicit propositions, as an implicit stance, as the assertion of historicity, etc.—it appears that viewers do not, in general, interpret the love-letter scene as an argument. The typical reading is closer to that of melodramatic fiction. It seems to involve imaginary involvement or “identification” with the soldier anticipating his death or with the wife reading this letter from her late husband. It prompts thoughts about viewers’ own dear ones or, occasionally, reflections on the heroism of soldiers or the tragedy of war. Viewers who respond to this scene in such a fashion do not appear to look for or examine or even particularly care about the truth claims or arguments it may make. 88

On the other hand, viewers seem to assume that the scene is telling the truth, even though they do not pay attention to its particular truth claims. This assumption is precisely what makes it possible for viewers to ignore the truth claims. It is what makes it possible for them to focus on the melodrama in the scene rather than on its historical arguments. The assumption that the film is telling the truth also serves to validate their emotional responses to the scene. If the letter were presumed to be a fake, its emotional impact would no doubt be considerably diminished. In fact, a small controversy did arise when it was discovered that the letter quoted in the scene is actually just one of several differently worded “copies” of a letter for which no original could be found. 88

So, I hypothesize that the assumption that documentaries in general “tell the truth” (or are supposed to) precedes and lies beneath the interpretation of particular documentaries, even though people may make sense of a documentary in altogether different terms—as melodrama, for example. 88

It is therefore not quite accurate to suggest, as Nichols and Plantinga do, that documentaries are films that are perceived to make arguments or truth claims about historical reality, because they are not—at least not all of the time. It is more correct to say that documentaries are presumed to be truthful, even though considerations about the veracity of particular assertions may play little role in how viewers actually make sense of them. 88

A neater way to say this might be that a documentary is any film, video, or TV program that could, in principle, be perceived to lie. I suggest that this is more than a handy heuristic for the purposes of analysis; it actually conforms to the heuristic that people carry around in their heads. It does not produce a nice, neat, sharply defined set of texts but a fuzzy-edged, somewhat flexible one like the mental category “documentary” that we actually go by. Is the reenactment of a kidnapping on A Current Affair a documentary? That depends. It does not depend on whether it makes assertions or arguments. It does not depend upon whether or not it actually “tells the truth.” It depends on whether it is perceived in such a way that it makes sense to ask, “Might it be lying?” I propose that the applicability of this question, “Might it be lying?” is what distinguishes documentaries, and nonfiction in general, from fiction. 89

You may have lied about the stop sign, but you have not lied with it. A stop sign cannot lie because a stop sign does not claim to tell the truth. It just is. 89

Still, the painting itself can hardly be said to lie because a painting itself does not claim to tell the truth. Semiotician Sol Worth makes this point quite convincingly in a delightful essay called “Pictures Can’t Say Ain’t.” 89

Consider one of Worth’s examples. Imagine that I superimpose a photograph of a senator who claims not to know a certain gangster onto a photograph of that gangster dining with his cronies so that it looks as though the senator is toasting the gangster. What I have produced is a fake, not a lie. Granted, I can lie with the picture. If I send it around to the newspapers, implying that it is genuine, I am using the picture to lie. But the picture itself does not lie. It corresponds in all respects to what it would look like if the senator had, in fact, been there. 89

…a picture has no means of expressing what it does not depict. 90

What pictures depict is only what is, in the picture—even though that could very well be something imaginary, like the starship Enterprise zooming through the Milky Way, or something untrue, like an honest senator toasting a gangster. Pictures constitute a “reality” of their own. In the words of Wolterstorff, they “project a world.” 90

Recall the flap that TV Guide created some years ago by superimposing the dieting Oprah Winfrey’s head onto Ann-Margret’s body for its cover photo. 90

It is not self-evident that what applies to pictures applies to moving pictures. Movies are, after all, full of words. Because they are full of words, they tend to carry labels with them in a way that photographs ordinarily do not. A movie can say, “This is a filmed record of actual events” or, for that matter, “The characters in this movie have no resemblance to actual people, living or dead.” Such statements are analogous to the caption of a photograph, and there is no question that they can “lie” or at least be false. But outside of credit sequences, such explicit metatextual labels are rare in fiction films, completely absent in High School, and unusual even in very wordy documentaries like Frank Capra’s Why We Fight series (1942-1945). 91

In short, Worth’s arguments that pictures apply to everything in movies that does not have the character of an express metatextual caption or label. What a movie typically does when it represents a space, action, or event is no different from what a photograph does when it depicts an object or scene. It “projects a world.” 91

The point here, again, is not that movies cannot, in effect, lie. There is no question that they can. The point is that when viewers perceive movies to lie (or, for that matter, to “tell the truth”), that perception is with few exceptions a product of the metatextual label or interpretive framework that they apply to the text, not a product of the form of the text per se. Admittedly, the form of the text can prompt viewers to “frame” it in a particular way. (“Framing” is a term used by sociolinguists to describe the process of applying a metatextual label or interpretive framework to a discourse). For example, a jiggly camera, poor lighting, and bad sound suggests, “This is cinema verité.” Still, there is nothing about the form of such footage that demands that it be framed in a particular fashion. 91

A work of fiction might, on formal grounds, be virtually indistinguishable from The Civil War. Consider, for example, how Citizen Kane incorporates a take-off of The March of Time so studiously faithful that, outside of its fictional context, it might be mistaken for the genuine article. 92

So, it is not the representational or formal aspects of a movie that determine whether viewers “frame” it as a documentary but rather a combination of what viewers want and expect from a text and what they suppose or infer about it on the basis of situational cues and textual features. In other words, the question that distinguishes documentaries, “Might it be lying?” is one that is posed by viewers, not texts. In short, documentary must be seen, in the last analysis, not as a kind of text but as a kind of “reading.” 92

One movie demonstrates exceptionally well how true this is. It is a fake documentary entitled, appropriately enough, No Lies (Mitchell Block, 1973). No Lies is a fiction film inasmuch as it is scripted and meticulously rehearsed and all the characters in the film are played by actors. It is, however, on the surface virtually indistinguishable from a cinema verité documentary. The film portrays a filmmaker trying to record spontaneous events as they unfold and, as with all verité films, we see these events through the filmmaker’s camera. 92

So many things about this film label it a documentary—from the title, to comments made by the characters, to the rigorous adherence to documentary conventions—that viewers tend to overlook or ignore the contradictory end credits. When they are told that the film is, indeed, a fiction film—scripted, rehearsed, / and acted out—their reading of the film undergoes a remarkable transformation. The film produces dramatically different kinds of response when viewers see it as a fiction film than when they regard it as a documentary. And since it is self-same footage, it cannot be the form or style or “content” of the film that determines which of the two ways it is read. 92-93

Besides that anger, though, viewers now feel angry at having been duped. Worth calls this “media rage”; it is like the anger people felt at being taken in by the Oprah/Ann-Margret photograph. This anger is directed at the perpetrator of the hoax—in the case of No Lies, the person who orchestrated the film. 93

But there is another level at which the film remains a documentary. Even when viewers know that No Lies is a fiction, they retain a very strong sense that it makes untrue claims. It is not just a novel fiction film; it is a fake documentary. It lies about what it is. It assigns itself a false label. So even though the question “Might it be lying?” no longer applies to what is represented in the film, it still obviously applies with regard to the question “What kind of film is this?” On this plane, No Lies is still a documentary, even though it portrays an entirely fictional scenario. It is a fiction film about rape, but it is a documentary about documentaries. I suggest that this, in fact, corresponds to the way most viewers interpret the film. 94

The example of No Lies shows how the same film can be “framed” either as documentary or as fiction and how different the resulting readings will be. It also shows how the definition that I have proposed for documentaries—namely, any film that could, in principle, be said to lie—applies to an extraordinarily difficult instance: a well-faked documentary that first hides and then reveals its sleight of hand. Finally, I think it shows that the question we really ought to ask is not what but when is a documentary? 94

Documentaries are characterized by a particular interpretive “frame,” I have argued, in which it makes sense to ask, “Might the text / be lying?” The question remains, When or under what circumstances does this frame apply? How do people know when it is appropriate to frame a movie as a documentary? 94-95

For instance, despite all of the things that ordinarily mark School Daze as a fiction film, it is quite easy for anyone who is interested in, say, Larry Fishburne’s development as an actor to regard it as a “document.” 95

What I characterize here as situational cues, Noël Carroll has previously called “indexes.” “Producers, writers, directors, distributors, and exhibitors index their films as nonfiction . . . ,” he writes. “We don’t characteristically go to films about which we must guess whether they are fiction or nonfiction. They are generally indexed one way or the other.” Plantinga picks up and elaborates on this idea. He writes that because a film is indexed publicly, how it is indexed becomes a “property or element of the text within its socio-cultural milieu” and not merely the product of a spectator’s inferences. He argues, in effect, that even if documentary is a kind of “reading,” as I have proposed, it is so firmly attached to particular texts in any given interpretive community that there is nothing to be gained by defining it as a kind of reading. Moreover, Plantinga maintains, even though a spectator must decide how a film is indexed, because it is culture that indexes films, a spectator is capable of being mistaken. So, if you were to interpret High School as fiction film or School Daze as a documentary, your interpretation would be “wrong,” plain and simple. 95

Plantinga suggests that all one needs to do to adequately define documentary is determine which texts are indexed as documentary within a given sociocultural milieu, and then one has a de facto definition. On has specified the common usage of the term, just as good dictionary definitions are supposed to do. In fact, Plantinga claims, one has specified precisely what we collectively believe documentaries to be. 95

Although this might seem to be a sensible and straightforward way to pin down what we collectively believe documentaries to be, I would argue that it has / three fatal flaws. First, as I pointed out at the start of this essay, determining which texts are indexed as documentary in our culture and which are not is not merely tricky, it is impossible. Texts like Daughter Rite and No Lies, and even well-known and popular texts like JFK and episodes of A Current Affair, are not neatly indexed in one way or the other. They are ambiguously indexed or indexed in a way that allows them to be read as either documentary or fiction or intermittently as one then the other. 95-96

Second, Plantinga’s approach to definition ignores the extent to which people apply frames like “documentary” in variable ways, depending upon their changing aims and interests. People have considerable choice in how to interpret or “frame” any discourse. It is easy, as I have pointed out, to regard School Daze as a documentary of sorts if one asks questions of the text that invite such a stance. Conversely, it is quite possible to “read” The Civil War as though the whole text were make-believe, if one is so inclined. 96

If one’s primary concern is to determine which texts belong in the canon of documentary and which do not, then it may be necessary to discard idiosyncratic readings. If, on the other hand, one wishes to establish the particular ways in which people see documentaries as special and distinct, it is important not to discount unusual or ambivalent “readings.” This is especially so because, as No Lies amply demonstrates, the label documentary is not necessarily attached to texts in any fixed way. Nor is it attached to every element in a text. The ending of Schindler’s List (1993), for example, is clearly set apart as something different from the rest of the film—something special: “documentary.” So, if one wishes to analyze documentaries as an actual form of discourse rather than as an abstract category of text, the real problem is not how to categorize whole texts but how people make sense of those particular moments and elements of films that they frame as documentary—whenever that may be. 96

Some texts are almost invariably framed in a way that precludes asking true or false questions about them. In ordinary circumstances, it almost never makes sense to ask of a Georgia O’Keeffe painting of a skull on a rose whether it is true or false. Magritte’s painting of a pipe with the caption “Ceci n’est pas une pipe” whimsically makes this same point. The same thing also applies to the illustrations in story books and to romance novels. In addition, it almost invariably applies to fiction films—even fiction films with an obvious “message” or “moral” like School Daze. 97

The question “Might the film be lying?” does not really apply to such claims. Even if someone “knows” on the basis of personal experience that Northeast High is not at all like a factory, he or she would not ordinarily say that High School is lying by implying otherwise, just that it is wrong. On this level—the level that has to do with the imputed “point” or “moral” of the film—High School is read in the same way as the last scene of School Daze. That is evidently not what distinguishes it as a documentary. 97

But there is another level at which the question “Might it be lying?” clearly does apply to High School. Because of how the film is “indexed,” viewers generally / assume that the representations made in the film are really what they seem to be. 97-98

“Might it be lying” is by no means the only question we need to ask if we want to understand how documentaries work. I suggest, however, that it is the only question we need to ask to determine whether, or when, a film is working like a documentary. 98